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Krisis Perlembagaan Malaysia 1988: Perbezaan antara semakan

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Terwujud satu kempen yang amat gigih untuk mendapat sokongan daripada lebih kurang 1,500 wakil cawangan di seluruh negara yang akan memilih pegawai-pegawai parti. Penyokong-penyokong Razaleigh mengharapkan beliau akan menang, dan dalam Perhimpunan Agung UMNO tidak lama selepas pengiraan undi, terdapat khabar-khabar angin bahawa Razaleigh telah menang. Bagaimanapun, keputusan rasmi mengisytiharkan Mahathir sebagai pemenang, dengan 761 undi berbanding 718 undi untuk Razaleigh. [[Ghafar Baba]], calon Pasukan A untuk Timbalan Presiden, menewaskan [[Musa Hitam]] daripada Pasukan B, dan Pasukan A juga memenangi 16 daripada 25 dalam Majlis Agung UMNO. <ref>Means, m.s. 204.</ref>
 
Penyokong-penyokong Razaleigh berasa susah hati tentang pemilihan ini yang mereka berkeras mengatakan telah dimanipulasi. Mahathir membuat kemarahan mereka bertambah buruk apabila beliau menyingkirkan semua ahli Pasukan B daripada [[Kabinet Malaysia|Kabinet]]nya. <ref>Means, m.s. 204&ndash;205.</ref> Oleh itu, 12 orang ahli UMNO mengemukakan [[tuntutan mahkamah]] di [[Mahkamah Malaysia|Mahkamah Tinggi]] untuk memperoleh perintah mahkamah yang mengisytiharkan bahawa keputusan pemilihan tidak sah supaya dapat mengadakan pemilihan yang baru. Plaintif-plaintif itu mendakwa bahawa 78 orang wakil telah dipilih daripada cawangan-cawangan yang tidak mendaftarberdaftar dengan [[Pendaftar Pertubuhan Malaysia|Pendaftar Pertubuhan]] dan oleh itu, tidak berlayak mengundi. Mereka juga mendakwa bahawa beberapa dokumen mengenai pemilihan itu telah "diubah". Walaupun Razaleigh bukannya antara kedua belas plaintif itu, beliau dipercayai secara meluas sebagai pembiaya dan penyelaras tuntutan mahkamah ini. <ref>Means, m.s. 206.</ref>
 
Kemudian, salah satu daripada dua belas plaintif itu menarik diri, tetapi sebelas plaintif yang tinggal meneruskan tuntutan mahkamah mereka. Makhamah Tinggi akhirnya memberikan kedua-dua pihak dua minggu untuk mencapai penyelesaian di luar mahkamah. Sebuah "Panel Perpaduan" UMNO dibentuk untuk menangani perundingan-perundingan supaya dapat bertolak ansur. Bagaimanapun, perbezaan-perbezaan antara mereka jelas sukar diselesaikan &mdash; Pasukan B mendesak untuk mengadakan pemilihan baru, manakala Pasukan A mendesak bahawa tuntutan mahkamah ditarik balik dan satu penyelesaian menutup malu dicapai untuk membenarkan sebilangan ahli daripada Pasukan B untuk mengekalkan keahlian mereka dalam parti. Akhirnya, sebelas plaintif itu mengisytiharkan bahawa mereka akan mendapat penghakiman muktamad daripada mahkamah. <ref>Means, m.s. 215&ndash;216.</ref>
Later, one of the twelve withdrew from the case, but the remaining eleven continued to press on. The High Court eventually gave the parties a two week deadline to reach an out of court settlement. An UMNO "Unity Panel" was formed to handle the negotiations and reach a compromise. However, it soon became clear that the differences were intractable &mdash; Team B would settle for no less than a new election, while Team A insisted that the suit be withdrawn and a "face-saving" solution be reached which would allow some Team B members to remain in the party. Eventually the eleven plaintiffs declared they would seek a final judgement from the court. <ref>Means, pp. 215&ndash;216.</ref>
 
Ini tidak menyenangkan hati Dr. Mahathir yang pernah beberapa kali bertelingkah dengan badan kehakiman. Dalam satu peristiwa, satu perintah kerajaan yang membatalkan [[permit kerja]] untuk dua orang [[Kewartawanan|wartawan]] asing yang kritis terhadap kerajaan Mahathir telah ditolak oleh Mahkamah Agung. Mahathir memulakan bidasan-bidasan hangat terhadap badan kehakiman, dan memberitahu majalah ''[[Time (majalah)|Time]]'', "''Badan kehakiman berkata, ' Walaupun kamu meluluskan undang-undang dengan menimbangkan sesuatu, kami berfikir bahawa fikiran kamu adalah salah, dam kami hendak memberikan tafsiran sendiri.' Kalau kita tidak bersetuju, Mahkamah-mahkamah akan berkata, 'Kami akan mentafsirkan pertentangan pendapat kamu.' Kalau kami [kerajaan dan [[Parlimen Malaysia|Parlimen]]] mengikut, kami akan hilang kuasa perundangan.''" <ref>Means, m.s. 216.</ref> Mahathir juga mengecam "kambing hitam [hakim]... yang hendak... kebebasan yang keterlaluan," dan menuduh mereka kerana bermuka-muka.
This did not please Mahathir, who had clashed on several previous occasions with the judiciary. In one instance, a government order revoking the work permits of two foreign [[journalist]]s critical of the government had been overruled by the Supreme Court. Mahathir began making heated attacks on the judiciary, telling ''[[Time (magazine)|Time]]'', "''The judiciary says, 'Although you passed a law with a certain thing in mind, we think that your mind is wrong, and we want to give our interpretation.' If we disagree, the Courts will say, 'We will interpret your disagreement.' If we [the government and [[Parliament of Malaysia|Parliament]]] go along, we are going to lose our power of legislation.''" <ref>Means, p. 216.</ref> Mahathir also lashed out at "black sheep [judges] ... who want to be ... fiercely independent," accusing them of playing to public opinion. Immediately after this latter statement, the government reassigned several High Court judges to different divisions, including Justice [[Harun Hashim]] who was then hearing the UMNO case. However, as the latter case was already in progress, Harun's transfer would not take effect until the case closed. <ref>Means, pp. 217&ndash;218.</ref>
 
Sebaik sahaja Dr. Mahathir membuat kenyataan yang terakhir ini, kerajaan menugasi semula beberapa hakim Mahkamah Tinggi ke bahagian yang lain, termasuk Hakim [[Harun Hashim]] yang sedang mendengar kes UMNO. Bagaimanapun, oleh sejak kes itu telah berlangsung, pemindahan Harun tidak akan dikuatkuasakan sehingga kes itu ditutup. <ref>Means, m.s. 217&ndash;218.</ref> Oleh itu, Harun terpaksa membuat keputusan terakhir untuk kes "UMNO 11".
Harun was thus forced to make the final call on the case of the "UMNO 11". Although most of the evidence they had presented was not contested, the UMNO defence argued that not all possible remedies within UMNO had been exhausted. The plaintiffs, however, insisted that the fact that at least 30 unregistered branches had sent delegates to the UMNO elections should have been enough to nullify their results. In the end, Harun dismissed the suit, citing Article 41 of the Societies Act 1966, which stated any society would automatically become "unlawful" if any of its branches were not registered with the Registrar of Societies. As a result, Harun declared he had no choice but to declare UMNO "an unlawful society", thereby rendering "[w]hat happened in 1987" a nullity. In his decision, Harun blamed Parliament for forcing his hand: "If the old law was in existence... [one could] apply the [[common law]] principle, but here it seems the Parliament, to ensure strict compliance with the law, has made this provision look harsh." <ref>Means, pp. 218&ndash;219.</ref>
 
Walaupun kebanyakan bukti yang dikemukakan oleh "UMNO 11" tidak dipertikaikan, peguam pembela UMNO memperdebatkan bahawa bukan semua remedi-remedi yang mungkin dalam UMNO telah dihabiskan. Bagaimanapun, plaintif-plaintif itu menegaskan bahawa fakta tentang sekurang-kurang 30 cawangan tidak berdaftar yang menghantar wakil-wakil ke pemilihan UMNO itu harus mencukupi untuk membatalkan keputusan-keputusan pemilihan. Akhirnya, Harun membuang kes itu, dan menyebut Perkata 41 dalam Akta Pertubuhan 1966 yang mengatakan bahawa mana-mana satu pertubuhan akan menjadi "tidak sah" secara automatik jika mana-mana satu cawangannya tidak berdaftar dengan Pendaftar Pertubuhan. Oleh itu, Harun mengisytiharkan bahawa beliau tidak mempunyai pilihan lain kecuali untuk mengisytiharkan bahawa UMNO adalah sebuah "pertubuhan yang tidak sah". Oleh itu, "apa yang terjadi pada tahun 1987" tidak sah di sisi undang-undang. Dalam keputusannya, Harun menyalahkan Parlimen untuk memaksakan tangannya: "Jika undang-undang lama masih wujud... [seseorang] boleh menggunakan prinsip [[common law]], tetapi pada kelihatannya, Parlimen, untuk memastikan pematuhan undang-undang yang sebenarnya, telah membuat peruntukan ini terlalu keras." <ref>Means, m.s. 218&ndash;219.</ref>
 
As soon as the decision was made public, Mahathir assured UMNO members that as the decision was based on minor "technicalities", the party could easily be restored as a lawful society. He also reminded the public that this did not threaten his status as Prime Minister, as only a [[no-confidence vote]] could lawfully remove him from power. <ref>Means, p. 223.</ref> Within a fortnight of Harun's decision, Mahathir announced the registration of UMNO Baru (New UMNO). UMNO Baru's leadership was almost entirely composed of Team A members, who proceeded to spend the next few months transferring the assets of the "old" UMNO to UMNO Baru. <ref>Means, pp. 224, 225, 226.</ref> The UMNO 11 pursued their case to the highest court in the land, the Supreme Court, still seeking to hold new elections for the "old" UMNO and having its lawful status restored. However, their appeal was rejected. <ref>Means, p. 227.</ref> Razaleigh then decided to form a new party focused on the "spirit of 1946" &mdash; the year UMNO had been founded. <ref>Means, p. 228.</ref> UMNO Baru in turn decided that the "Baru" was superfluous, and officially dropped it from its name, in effect claiming to be the true successor to UMNO instead of Razaleigh's party, which would eventually call itself [[Semangat 46]] (Spirit of 46). <ref>Means, p. 230.</ref>
Diambil daripada "https://ms.wikipedia.org/wiki/Krisis_Perlembagaan_Malaysia_1988"